Gen Oskar von Hutier Brought stormtroopers to the Western Front |
Along the 70 miles of Operation Michael front, the Germans outnumbered the British by 2.5:1 |
The German preparations were typically
detailed and meticulous. Intensive training of the elite storm troops entrusted
to make the initial breakthrough was accompanied by artillery work planned in
painstaking detail by the brilliant artillery supremo of the German military,
Georg von Bruchmuller. This was to be war of movement, and not only would the
regular infantry follow up the breaches made by the storm troops, but light
artillery would follow closely, laying down pinpoint creeping barrages. Most of
the ground to be attacked initially had been held by the Germans before their withdrawal
to the Hindenburg line (see Post 4/1/2017). They knew the ground well and were
able to plan their shooting ‘by map’ as well as direct observation.
Col. Georg Bruchmuller German Artillery Supremo |
As previously noted a German force of
almost a million men was organised by Ludendorff into two army groups. Prince
Ruprecht’s northern group comprised two armies – the 17th and the 2nd.
The former was commanded by Otto von Below, veteran of the defensive operations
against Allied offensives of 1915 and 1916, and of the overwhelming German
offensive at Caporetto in late 1917. Another Prussian, Georg von der Marwitz,
also a Western Front veteran, commanded the latter. He had led the dramatic
German counter-attack at Cambrai. Both men knew well their areas and their
opponents. Von Below’s first objective was Bapaume; von Marwitz’s was Peronne
(see map). The southern army ‘group’ of Crown Prince Wilhelm comprised only one
army, the 18th. Its commander
was Oskar von Hutier, and he was new to the Western Front. His reputation had
been made on the Eastern Front, and it was his eponym given to the storm
trooper tactics – so important in the coming battle – after he had first
implemented them in the capture of Riga in 1917. Von Hutier’s mission was to
break through from Saint-Quentin, capture Ham, and then form a flank to prevent
French reinforcements coming north to support the British. All the German
Divisions had been brought up to strength with fresh (but experienced) troops.
But what of the British defence arrayed
against this formidable threat? Several differences were apparent, the most
important of which was the differing state of the infantry battalions. The
British were either (relatively) inexperienced or exhausted – or both. The British Army had four sources for its
battalions and divisions: the dwindling numbers of regular army men; the Territorials;
the volunteer ‘Kitchener’ army, and the Empire Divisions. The ten British Empire
Divisions were, perhaps, the best and fittest of all (e.g actions at Pozieres,
Vimy Ridge and Passchendaele), but the regulars and territorials had the most
experience.
Haig had less than three months to
reorganize his forces and defend the line. On this front of seventy miles he
deployed two armies – the 3rd, commanded by Byng and the 5th,
led by Gough. As the map shows, Sir Julian Byng’s army comprised 14 Divisions charged
with covering 28 miles from north of Arras to the southern end of the
Flesquieres salient. Byng had succeeded Allenby in June 1917 (see Post
3/12/17), and had planned the attack at Cambrai, which had such mixed results.
He was encouraged by Haig to withdraw from the Flesquieres salient in order to
shorten his defensive line by three miles. This was an offer, rather than an
order, and one that he rejected on the basis that the ground had been so hard
won by his men. (A questionable decision, as it left many men vulnerable to
encirclement by a flanking or pincer movement). Sir Hubert Gough’s army was
responsible for holding forty miles of front from the southern end of the
Flesquieres salient to La Fere on the River Oise. Gough’s star had been on the
rise since the later actions on the Somme until the battles for Passchendaele,
where not only his men but also his reputation had taken a battering. His
depleted and weary army had been moved south to take over this section of front
from the French. Such replacements and reinforcements as he was given were from
the volunteer army Divisions, and also he was given three of cavalry, repurposed to makeshift infantry Divisions. Gough was thus expected to hold a much longer
section than Byng with fewer (and inferior) forces. This was a conscious decision
by Haig – Byng’s section, closer to the Channel ports, was more important to
hold. Byng’s army had been in position for more than a year and was well dug
in. By contrast, Gough’s unfortunate men inherited rather meagre ‘attack’
trenches from the French and had to start their defensive preparations from
scratch.
Haig and his staff had a hectic three
months during which they had to re-organise and restructure depleted divisions, but also switch from attacking to defensive formations. They had learned
something from the German innovations, and determined to create a zonal
defence system along the whole of their front (although they could not hope to
match the sophistication of the the German defences). The front line trenches
formed the “Blue Line’ at the front edge of a Forward Zone, and they were
lightly held (relatively). Behind them were machine gun nests, and deep in the
Forward Zone were heavily armed redoubts and battalion command positions. Some
way behind the Forward Zone lay the main Battle Zone, and between the Zones was
placed light artillery. The gap between the Zones varied along the front, but
was such that the artillery could be withdrawn into the Battle Zone if
necessary. Barbed wired protect the front of the Battle Zone; then came
trenches named the Red Line. As per the Forward Zone, behind the trenches were
redoubts and battalion positions. The Battle Zone was the most populated and
was the core of the British defensive mind set. A third line, including the
Brown Line of trenches was planned to the rear of the Battle Zone, in front of
the reserves, field casualty stations and HQs etc. However, in most places this
zone was partially completed at best. In Gough’s section, despite their valiant
efforts, even the Battle Zone was far from finished when the hostilities
commenced.
Ludendorff had been anxious to launch
Operation Michael as soon as possible, in February. Such was the complexity and
intensity of preparation that Prince Rupprecht pleaded, successfully, for a
delay to 1st March. Weather conditions then supervened (as they had
with Haig so often before) and 21st March was finally agreed upon.
Diversionary attacks, particularly around Verdun, maintained the uncertainty,
but the last few days for both sides brought an air of ‘unnatural calmness’. It
was a calm before the perfect storm. Around one million German troops with more
than ten thousand artillery pieces were ready to break.
*Its scope was huge compared with the British and French 1916 Somme
offensive along a 16 miles front.
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