Pershing - hubris at St. Mihiel, nemesis in the Argonne. |
The Allies were now making significant
progress towards victory on the Western Front. Although in the war since April
1917, the Americans were about to make their first independent foray in this
theatre. Previous posts have noted their contributions as part of the British
defence in Operation Michael and, notably, in a stirring attack at Belleau Wood
near Chateau Thierry in the second Battle of the Marne. Now, however, a US army
– 500,000 strong – led by its own Commander and providing its own supplies and
communications was about to make its mark at the southeastern section of the
front.
General Pershing was a strong man, imbued
with the hubris that often attaches to such roles. Plucked from a very
different environment chasing revolutionaries in Mexico (see Post 9/3/2017) he
had, since his arrival in France, argued for the creation of an independently
led army, rather than a supplier of reinforcements to the British and French
armies. Curiously, he still believed that the superior character and condition
of his men would prevail, where British and French armies had been dragged into
costly attritional fighting. Shades of Joffre in 1914. Admittedly Pershing’s
men were well trained and in excellent physical condition, making them less
vulnerable to the influenza that was sweeping through more tired and weakened
ranks on both sides. But they had zero experience of the atrocious realities of
modern warfare. Nevertheless, Pershing regarded lightly and condescendingly the
lessons so painfully learnt over the past four years. Not surprisingly, Haig
and Pétain opposed his views and Foch, as
supremo who was able to give Pershing orders, had to manage the
tensions. The large numbers of American troops arriving in Europe on a weekly
basis strengthened Pershing’s case, of course, and Foch was minded to support
him. There was also a certain logic to allocating the north section of the
Western Front to Britain (with Belgian support at the coastal end); to the
French controlling the largest, central sector in front of Paris and Verdun;
and for the Americans to take the lead in the shortest section, to the south
east and to the east of Verdun. Their chance came with the attack on the St.
Mihiel salient.
The area around St Mihiel comprised the longest
standing salient on the entire Western Front. It pre-dated Ypres, and was
formed during the giant enveloping German movements of autumn 1914, which had
only been halted by the desperate battles comprising the ‘miracle’ of the
Marne. The map shows a sharply protruding triangle with its apex on the river
Meuse at St. Mihiel. It stretched 15 miles to the north to Fresnes and 25miles
to Pont-à-Mousson on the river
Moselle to the east. Thus forty miles of line to defend rather than 25miles
across the base of the triangle. The Germans had stayed in the salient because it enabled them to threaten
key French railway routes – notably Paris to Avricourt – thereby isolating
Verdun*, and its terrain made it relatively easy to defend. The French had made costly and unsuccessful attempts to recapture the
salient through 1915, but since then it had been a comparatively uneventful area.
Foch now wanted to take it back, not only
to relieve the pressures on his own rail links, but also to breakthrough to the
Woeuvre plain and the Germans’ own railway supply routes to the upper Oise and
Aisne areas. Coming south round Luxembourg these comprised one of the two vital
arteries from the German heartland maintaining the German armies in France**.
These two networks met at the major junction at Longuyon. If Foch’s forces
could get here, the entire southern communication routes of Germany could be
isolated.
The defending German army was the 5th,
commanded by General Max von Gallwitz. He had seven Divisions to defend his
forty miles line, but numbers were depleted by influenza and long term
casualties and he had only 50,000 men, with a few Austro-Hungarians as a weak
reserve. Pershing’s first army comprised nearly ten times that number, although he deployed two divisions of 15,000 men each for the first attack. At great speed
he proceeded to move his men around the salient during early September.
Gallwitz could read the writing on the
wall. Even before the main American build up he had pressed Ludendorff for
permission to withdraw and shorten his lines. As the gravity of Germany’s
position worsened, Ludendorff recognised the inevitability and gave orders to
pull back on September 12th. Too late. At 1am on 12th an
enormous American bombardment fell on 11miles of the southern aspect of the
salient. At 5am troops went over the top, and were followed soon by tanks. The
Americans were pushing at an open door and the Germans – already preparing to
leave – fell back as quickly as they could. Within four hours the Americans had
control of the railways running through the area, and within 24 hours they had
taken Vigneilles at the base of the salient. Some further advance were made, but
the battle of the St. Mihiel salient was over in three days. The Americans, in
their first major action in the Western Front, had secured a crushing victory
with less than 1000 casualties, and the taking of 16,000 prisoners. Their most
advanced units were within range of the defensive Howitzers of Metz. Pershing
felt vindicated, and wanted to pursue the Germans hotfoot down the Meuse valley
towards Belgium, but he was to be denied.
Americans (with British Helmets) after the great victory at St. Mihiel. |
The British and French at Supreme HQ were
less than generous in their appraisal of Pershing’s success, viewing it as a
picnic rather than a true battle. More importantly, Foch was determined that
Pershing should join the fight alongside the French 4th Army, east
of Rheims in an operation moving through the Argonne to the north and east. Foch
now believed in a victory in 1918, but only if the Siegfried line at the heart
of the Western Front could be captured. In truth, the ‘line’ was now more of a
zone, a rectangular area of nearly 40 x 25 miles of formidable defensive
fortifications. He preferred to push well to the west of the Meuse valley to
break through the Argonne and towards the junction at Longuyon (see above),
thereby cutting supply lines to the Siegfried areas.
Pershing was obliged to fall in with Foch’s
plan. In an impressive feat of logistics he moved his army and its support and
equipment some sixty miles to the west in less than two weeks, to line up on
the right flank of General Gouraud (a hardened veteran who had left an arm at
Gallipoli in 1915). Gouraud and Pershing’s assault began on 26th
September. There was to be no repeat of St. Mihiel. Allied casualties were
heavy***. The Americans advanced only seven miles in three days of hard
fighting in difficult territory, and were becoming bogged down in stalemated
local actions. Pershing was now experiencing the harsh realities of the Western
Front. On 29th, in line with Foch’s strategy he called off his
attack. Ironically, on that day, the British were making perhaps the most
significant breakthrough of the 100 days – at the Canal du Nord at St. Quentin.
* A factor in Falkenhayn’s decision to attack Verdun in 1916 (See Post 2/5/2016)
** The other ran
north of Luxembourg and round the Ardennes and through Liege to supply Belgium
and Northern France.
*** Two future
famous generals fought in these actions, MacArthur and Patton - the latter
being badly injured in the Argonne as he led a tank advance.
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